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Presidential Debates Should Serve Citizens and Democracy, Not Political Parties

November 11, 2015 by staff

Why We Should Replace the Commission on Presidential Debates with an Independent Non-partisan Body
presidential debates, debates presidential, obama, romney
Barack Obama and Mitt Romney at 2012 CPD event

The Commission on Presidential Debates (CPD) sounds like an official body, but in fact it is a private non-profit corporation owned and controlled entirely by Republican and Democratic party operatives. Most of the CPD budget is provided by for-profit corporations and their lobbying groups. The CPD undermines the interests of Americans in many ways, including:

  1. It deliberately excludes viable independent and third party candidates from participating in any debates (the opposite of the parties’ practice in their own primaries of enabling all serious candidates to appear in at least one debate.)
  2. It creates restrictive formats with minimal follow-up, and pre-determined topic areas allow the candidates to memorize and recite soundbites to an excessive degree, diminishing substantive debate.
  3. CPD-chosen moderators ask questions that emphasize solely the differences between the two controlling parties and their candidates while ignoring critical issues on which they concur, or at least share disinterest in confronting. See our analysis of the 2000 Bush v Gore debates, for example.

Since the 2020 election seems unlikely to feature a credible third-party or independent candidate, it’s an ideal opportunity to illuminate why replacing the CPD will better inform the public, regardless of who participates.

CPD Documents

  • The-2012 Memorandum of Understanding Between the Obama and Romney Campaigns. This document dictates nearly every conceivable aspect of all four 2012 debates staged by the CPD.
  • See our take on the memo’s release.
  • See the CPD website for their own story.

Reporting on the Debates

  • Interview with George Farah on the ways to reform the presidential debates.
  • Rules for presidential debates: a perfect microcosm of U.S. democracy (Oct 16, 2012) – describes the ways in which the debates are governed by secret collusion between the two parties.
  • Three Sponsors Dump the Presidential Debates While Citizen Groups Call for Disclosure of Agreement
  • Replace Bi-partisan Shows With Real Debates (Unfortunately, almost every critique in our 2004 overview applies today)
  • How candidates are kept out of the debates
  • Canada’s largest radio network, the CBC, hosted this Oct 22, 2012 debate (starts at 3:20) between Reclaim Democracy founder Jeff Milchen and ardent CPD defender Diana Carlin (audio currently unavailable)

Other Resources on the Debates

  • Our analysis of the transcripts from all three presidential debates in 2000 yield telling data
  • Notable quotes on the debates

So what’s the alternative? 

A Citizens’ Debate Commission which employs criteria resembling that proposed by the Appleseed Citizens’ Task Force on Fair Debates.

  • See Open Debates for many other relevant articles on the debates, including details on these concerns:
    • The CPD is financed primarily by multinational corporations
    • The CPD awards the candidates absolute control over the debate process
    • The CPD shields the Democratic and Republican party nominees from public accountability
    • Open Debates argues the CPD violates FEC and IRS regulations

Photo from barackobamadotcom  flickr page

Filed Under: Transforming Politics

Citizens United is Just the Tip of the Iceberg

January 25, 2013 by staff

By Kaitlin Sopoci-Belknap

citizens-united-tip-of-the-iceberg

It’s been three years since the Supreme Court issued its outrageous decision in Citizens United vs. FEC, overturning the flimsy campaign finance protections afforded under McCain-Feingold law. The case opened the floodgates to billions of dollars perverting our elections, much of it completely unreported, and some amount even coming from foreign corporations and governments. The Court literally legalized bribery, and wealthy individuals and special interests took full advantage of it.

As shameful as that decision is, we must confront the sobering reality that it is only the tip of the iceberg. A small ruling elite (often succinctly described as the 1%) have stolen control of the country, and they are ruling over us. They use the façade of elections to legitimize the theft. And even when decent legislation is enacted, they use the Courts to overturn those laws. Citizens United vs. FEC is merely a deepening of the crisis of corporate rule.

At the crux of the crisis are two core legal doctrines. One is “corporate personhood,” a court-created precedent that illegitimately gives corporations rights that were intended for human beings. The other is “money equals free speech.”

An amendment to the US Constitution is the only lasting solution to this problem. The only amendment worth fighting for MUST address both doctrines. As a quick refresher, here is are some examples of we must abolish ALL corporate constitutional rights:

1st Amendment Free Speech rights. Corporations use these rights, meant to protect human beings from the power of the state, to influence elections through political “contributions” (more like “investments”); to advertise for guns, tobacco and other dangerous products over the objections of communities; to avoid having to label genetically modified foods or food laced with hormones.

4th Amendment Search and Seizure rights. Corporations have used these rights to avoid subpoenas for unlawful trade and price fixing, and to prevent citizens, communities and regulatory agencies from stopping corporate pollution and other assaults on people and communities.

5th Amendment Takings, Double Jeopardy and Due Process corporate rights. Corporations must be compensated for property value lost (e.g. future profits) when regulations are established to protect homeowners or communities. Corporations cannot be retried after a judgment of acquittal in court. The granting of property to a corporation by a public official cannot be unilaterally revoked by a subsequent public official or Act of Congress.

14th Amendment Due Process and Equal Protection corporate rights. These rights, originally enacted to guarantee equal protection for African Americans, were gradually extended to corporations by the courts. Corporations have used these rights to build chain stores and erect cell towers against the will of communities; oppose tax and other public policies supporting local businesses over multinational corporations; and resist democratic efforts to prevent corporate mergers and revoke corporate charters through citizen initiatives.

Commerce Clause-related corporate rights. Corporations have used this section of the Constitution (Art 1, Sec 8) to ship toxic waste from one state to another over the “health, safety, and welfare” objections of communities – claiming the waste isn’t actually “waste” but “commerce.”

Contracts Clause-related corporate rights. The Supreme Court ruled in Dartmouth vs. Woodward (1819) that a corporation is as a party in a private contract based on the Contracts Clause (Art 1, Sec 10) rather than being a creature of public law. Even though the state creates a corporation when it issues a charter, that state is not sovereign over the charter, merely a party to the contract. Thus, corporations became “private contracts” with the state and, therefore, shielded from many forms of control by We the People.

Since the problem of corporate constitutional rights is multidimensional, the solution must be comprehensive.

One hundred and sixty years ago, those who believed the section of the Constitution (Art 4, Sec 2) defining people as property (slavery) was fundamentally immoral didn’t call for ending one or two dimensions of slavery. They didn’t organize to establish legislation through Congress, or a Slavery Protection Agency, nor ask slaveholders to sign a voluntary code of conduct to treat slaves a little less harshly. They called for abolition of the institution of slavery.

And today, the Move To Amend coalition suggests that we should not limit our vision and actions. Yes corporate money in elections is a problem. So let’s make sure our solution actually gets to the root causes.

Let’s set out to amend the constitution in a way that abolishes all rights wrongly granted to the corporate form over the last two centuries. Let’s put an end to the institution of corporate constitutional rights itself.

Nothing less is worth the considerable time and learning, grit and energy, required to amend the Constitution.

Why not make the result worth the effort?

Kaitlin Sopoci-Belknap serves on the Executive Committee Move to Amend. She is Field Organizing Coordinator for the campaign.

photo courtesy dnkemontoh

Filed Under: Activism, Corporate Personhood, Transforming Politics

What is Citizens United? | An Introduction

December 17, 2012 by staff

What is Citizens United? The short answer is it’s two different but related things: a Political Action Committee (PAC) in Washington, D.C., and a Supreme Court case about election spending in which the aforementioned PAC was the plaintiff. Both lie at the center of a debate over the role corporations play in society. Read on for the long answer.

US Supreme Court Justices - Portrait
The Justices who decided the Citizens United Supreme Court case.
 
It’s a Political Action Committee
The logo for the non-profit group Citizens United
Citizens United’s Logo

Citizens United, the PAC, was founded in 1988 by Floyd Brown, a longtime Washington political consultant, with major funding from the Koch brothers (industrialists who own “the second largest privately owned company in the United States”). The group promotes corporate interests, socially conservative causes and candidates who advance their goals, which it says are “…limited government, freedom of enterprise, strong families, and national sovereignty and security.” It gained fame in 2009 for suing the Federal Election Commission, leading to a controversial Supreme Court case (now also commonly known as Citizens United) eliminating some restrictions on how corporations can spend money in elections.

It’s a Supreme Court Case

In the 2008 election season, Citizens United the PAC sought to broadcast TV ads for a video-on-demand film criticizing presidential candidate Hilary Rodham Clinton, but doing so would violate the 2002 Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (known also as the McCain–Feingold Act), which barred corporations and unions from paying for media that mentioned any candidate in periods immediately preceding elections.

Citizens United challenged the law, suing the Federal Election Commission (which sets campaign finance laws and election rules), and the case made its way through lower courts until an appeal was granted by the U.S. Supreme Court.

In a 5-4 ruling, the Justices declared unconstitutional the government restriction on “independent” political spending by corporations and unions, and determined the anti-Clinton broadcast should have been allowed. The decision overturned century-old precedent allowing the government to regulate such spending. As a result, Citizens United has greatly affected the way corporations and unions can spend on elections (more on that below).

The Court majority (Justices Kennedy, Roberts, Alito, Scalia, and Thomas) argued:
  1. barring independent political spending amounts to squelching free speech protected by the First Amendment.
  2. the First Amendment protects not just a person’s right to speak, but the act of speech itself, regardless of the speaker. Therefore the First Amendment protects the speech of corporations and unions, whether we consider them people or not.
  3. although government has the authority to prevent corruption or “the appearance of corruption,” it has no place in determining whether large political expenditures are either of those things, so it may not impose spending limits on that basis.
  4. the public has the right to hear all available information, and spending limits prevent information from reaching the public.
The Court minority (Justices Stevens, Ginsburg, Breyer, and Sotomayor) argued:
  1. the First Amendment protects only individual speech.
  2. government may prevent corruption, and campaign spending can be corrupt when it buys influence over legislators. Therefore government may impose spending limits on corporations and unions.
  3. government may prevent the appearance of corruption, which undermines public confidence in democracy. Limits on corporate and union political spending are an expression of that authority.
  4. the public has the right to hear all available information, and when corporations spend money individuals can’t match, messages from corporations drown out messages from others, and that information fails to reach the public.
Initial Public Response

The decision was controversial and set off a ferocious debate which continues to this day.

  1. Some celebrated the decision, claiming it advanced free speech and allowed any company to compete on equal footing with media organizations that already “freely disseminate their opinions about candidates using corporate treasury funds.”
  2. Some were neutral, arguing the decision would only boost the volume of political ads, which wouldn’t affect public discourse or governance for better or worse.
  3. Others were critical. For example, President Barack Obama said the decision, “Gives the special interests and their lobbyists even more power in Washington — while undermining the influence of average Americans who make small contributions to support their preferred candidates.”
Effects of Citizens United

An explosion in independent political spending ensued in the decision’s aftermath, as this chart from the Center for Responsive Politics illustrates.

Spending was on the rise even before Citizens United, but the post-decision increase was dramatic. The 2012 presidential election was the first following Citizens United, with more than twice the political spending as any previous election. Independent political spending of the kind Citizens United allows accounted for all of that increase.

Is this new determining the winners of elections? Yes, after a decade of data, research shows that the candidate who has more money, wins more often.

What’s Reclaim Democracy’s Position?

We oppose the Court’s Citizens United ruling, for the following reasons:

  1. Given the strong restrictions our country’s founders imposed on corporate activities, they clearly didn’t intend for corporations to enjoy constitutional protections.
  2. The government has the authority to prevent corruption or the appearance of it, but the Citizens United majority opinion says the government has no right to decide whether independent political spending drives those things. We argue government can’t prevent corruption without the ability to identify the causes. This isn’t just a theoretical problem, because evidence suggests both government-corporate relations appear corrupt to the electorate, and those relations are in fact corrupt.
  3. The majority’s claim that spending limits prevent full information  from reaching the public ignores reality. We’re bombarded by information. We register only a fraction of it, and money (spent on advertising and promotions) strongly determines what ends up in that fraction. When wealthy groups can spend whatever they want, they can make sure their messaging drowns out other voices and limits the information reaching the public.
  4. The Court had to overturn one of its own decisions to decide Citizens United as it did. The Court normally honors a custom called Stare Decisis, which means it tries not to overturn its own decisions if it can avoid doing so, by deciding a case on narrower grounds. In this case, the path was clear: the Court could have ruled the McCain-Feingold law doesn’t apply to video-on-demand, a decision which would have aligned better with previous decisions. The Justices went far beyond what Citizens United’s own lawyers asked for!

Beyond the legal objections, unlimited political spending by corporations and unions causes several problems:

  1. It prevents a “meritocracy of ideas.” Unlimited political spending allows ideas to dominate not by merit, but by their supporters’ ability to broadcast them.
  2. It has influence far beyond the ads it pays for. The more money a politician needs to compete for office, the more she must court the wealthy, leaving less time to govern and less contact with average citizens. Another consequence is that legislators’ lives get tied up with wealthy supporters in ways that have led to widespread corruption in both parties.
  3. The kind of unlimited political spending Citizens United allows (mostly on attack ads) creates a crude, counterproductive form of political dialogue, which breeds unthinking partisanship and oversimplified discussion via sound bytes. We need to create a culture in which thoughtful political discussion can flourish, but the unregulated flood of money that Citizens United unleashed makes it harder to do so.
  4. It gives large corporations anti-competitive advantages over small businesses.

We believe citizens and their elected representatives must have the right to limit the influence of money on candidates and elections in order to protect the integrity of elections and government. This includes the ability to implement public financing systems that match private spending.

The Big Picture

Citizens United isn’t an isolated problem. It’s a symptom of a bigger, longstanding threat: for decades the largest corporations have been building power over our political process — power that comes at the expense of citizens.

One of the main instruments of this influence is the legal concept of “corporate personhood,” wherein corporations receive the same Constitutional protections as individuals. Corporations use these protections to claim the “right” to lie to the public, for example, or to influence elections in various ways. Corporations have lobbied for and received these protections for decades, despite our country’s founders intending no such thing.

An important note: Citizens United isn’t technically an extension of corporate personhood. The Court majority didn’t say corporations have free speech rights because they’re people, but instead stated non-persons have free speech rights. If your toaster could talk, it would have those rights too.

Citizens United gave this toaster first amendment rights

The case clarified, however, that a Constitutional Amendment is the only way to strip corporations of “constitutional rights.” Moreover, many kinds of electoral reform, such as public campaign financing that truly levels the playing field, are legal impossibilities without first amending the Constitution (as a subsequent Supreme Court decision on campaign finance vividly demonstrates). For these reasons, there’s now a rapidly growing grassroots movement afoot to do so.

At the head of this Movement is Move to Amend, a broad national coalition with more than 150 chapters nationwide and nearly 250,000 endorsers (Reclaim Democracy is a co-founder).  More than 600 cities and towns have passed resolutions or ordinances calling to end corporate personhood or have serious efforts underway.

Even more impressive, 10 states now have passed measures in opposition to Citizens United. Most recently, Colorado and Montana voters did so in early November 2012. Montana’s measure opposed not just Citizens United but also the Supreme Court’s creations of corporate personhood and “money=speech” (Buckley v Valeo), and passed by an overwhelming 75%-25% margin. See here for more on these successes.

Get Involved

If ever a time existed to get involved in the effort to revoke illegitimate corporate power, that time is now. We have the precious resource of real momentum, and the best way to protect that resource is through more participation. If you agree that corporations wield illegitimate power that we the people must take back, start or join a chapter of Move to Amend.

We also encourage you to help us keep broadening public awareness, reshaping public debate and providing more resources like this by donating to Reclaim Democracy. Your gift is 100% tax deductible.

Other Groups Working to Revoke Illegitimate Corporate Power
  • Demos
  • Common Cause
  • Free Speech for People
  • Program on Corporations Law and Democracy
More Reading
  • Citizens United vs. Federal Election Commission Ruling and Selected Media Coverage
  • Wikipedia’s exhaustive article on the Supreme Court case
  • SCOTUS blog Citizens United page with extensive coverage and documentation
  • Our comprehensive overview of corporate personhood
  • Index of articles related to Citizens United on Reclaim Democracy

Supreme Court photo courtesy nyfma
Citizens United logo courtesy OpenSecrets
Political expenditures chart courtesy OpenSecrets

By Nick Bentley
Organizer, Reclaim Democracy

Filed Under: Corporate Personhood, Transforming Politics

Surprise! Citizens United Legal Reasoning Doesn’t Rely on Corporate Personhood

November 11, 2012 by staff

By Nick Bentley
Published November 11, 2012

For anyone who opposes excessive corporate influence over government, these are encouraging days: there’s now a widespread groundswell of support across the country to overturn Citizens United and deprive corporations of their improper status as “people”.

However, we’ve noticed a misconception spreading that Citizens United is an extension of corporate personhood. It’s not.

It’s true that Citizens United strengthened First Amendment protections for corporations. But the basis for that protection isn’t corporate personhood. Rather, the court’s decision rests on two other assumptions:

  1. That money equals speech; and
  2. That non-persons have the right to speech.

That second point is the kicker. If corporate personhood ended tomorrow, it wouldn’t affect Citizens United at all, because non-persons have speech rights now too. If your underpants could talk, they would be protected by the First Amendment.

How do we know this? First, look at some relevant text in the majority opinion, written by Justice Kennedy:

Premised on mistrust of governmental power, the First Amendment stands against attempts to… distinguish among different speakers, which may be a means to control content.

In other words: the identity of the speaker is irrelevant. Justice Scalia drives this point home in his concurrence:

The Amendment is written in terms of “speech,” not speakers. Its text offers no foothold for excluding any category of speaker, from single individuals to partnerships of individuals, to unincorporated associations of individuals, to incorporated associations of individuals—and the dissent offers no evidence about the original meaning of the text to support any such exclusion. We are therefore simply left with the question whether the speech at issue in this case is “speech” covered by the First Amendment.

Justice Scalia stresses that the First Amendment doesn’t exclude “any category of speaker,” The First Amendment protects anything that speaks, whether it’s legally a person or not.

This is a key point for those of us who hope to reign in excessive corporate influence through a constitutional amendment. It’s not enough to merely revoke corporate personhood. To overturn Citizens United, we also have to overturn the two assumptions listed above.

Luckily it’s not difficult get the language right. Both Reclaim Democracy and Move to Amend have proposed amendments which would do so. For example, rather than simply establish that “Corporations are not people,” Reclaim Democracy’s amendment specifies that “the U.S. Constitution protects only the rights of living human beings.”

It’s a small difference in language with big implications. Let’s make sure that all who advocate for an amendment understand the distinction.

Resources
  • Our comprehensive overview of corporate personhood
  • Our introduction to Citizens United
  • Our proposed constitutional amendments
  • Personalizing the Impersonal: Corporations and the Bill of Rights

Citizens United pig courtesy WWYD
Underpants photo courtesy Enrique_L.

Filed Under: Activism, Corporate Personhood, Transforming Politics

State Initiatives to Revoke Corporate Personhood and Overturn Buckley v. Valeo Win Big

November 7, 2012 by staff

Published November 6, 2012
By Reclaim Democracy staff

One state went red and the other blue in the presidential election, but citizens of Montana and Colorado agreed by vast margins that we need to amend the U.S. Constitution to revoke the overwhelming power of money over elections.

In Montana, early returns showed a whopping 75 percent of voters supporting Initiative 166, which directs Montana’s congressional delegation to help pass an Amendment to the U.S. Constitution that would revoke corporate personhood. In addition to overruling multiple instances of pro-corporate activism by the U.S. Supreme Court justices, such an Amendment would allow reinstatement of Montana’s Corrupt Practices Act, struck down by a federal court just months ago after it protected the integrity of state elections for 100 years.

In Colorado, Amendment 65 had won overwhelmingly with 73 percent of votes as of this writing. The measure instructs Colorado’s congressional delegates and state legislature to support an Amendment that allows Congress and the states to limit campaign contributions and spending (presumably overruling Buckley v Valeo).

While Reclaim Democracy supported the measure, we share concerns ably expressed by Stephen Justino of Colorado Move to Amend in this op-ed, saying Amendment 65 should have confronted corporate personhood directly. It’s dubious whether the current Supreme Court justices would interpret an Amendment enabling states to regulate campaign spending as applying to “independent expenditure.s ” Notably, the claim that independent expenditures are non-corrupting — the basis of Justice Kennedy’s opinion in Citizens United v FEC — was shown to be fictional by revelations here in Montana (Reclaim Democracy’s home base) this week. Both initiatives were funded by their respective state Common Cause chapters and enjoyed support from a wide range of citizen groups.

In addition to calling for an Amendment to revoke corporate personhood, Montana’s I-166 adds “the people of Montana regard money as property, not speech.” Many state constitutions demand amendments address only one issue, preventing a single ballot measure calling for both revoking corporate personhood and “money = speech.” However we urge any such effort combine both messages, even if two parallel initiatives are required.

Notably, in Montana’s most hotly contested races, the candidate supporting a ban on corporate electioneering won. Among them was Steve Bullock, who aggressively defended the Corrupt Practices Act all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court as the state’s Attorney General this year. Bullock, a Democrat, won the race for Governor.

Both the Colorado and Montana measures are symbolic since their “instruction” to legislators cannot be legally binding. Nevertheless, we think their overwhelming popularity will build further momentum created by more than 100 communities passing local anti-corporate personhood measures in recent years. They’re the next logical progression in building a Democracy Movement to educate and organize citizens to reclaim democracy from corporate corruption. Congratulations to all who worked on these measures for their resounding victories!

Why is Montana at the forefront of this struggle? See Roots of Rebellion: Why Montana is the Only State to Reject Citizens United.

Addendum

We emphasize that it’s not just Montana and Colorado. More than 400 cities and towns have passed resolutions or ordinances measures calling to end corporate personhood or have serious efforts underway. The votes typically are won by huge margins. Many of the efforts were coordinated through Move to Amend, a broad national coalition with more than 150 chapters nationwide and nearly 250,000 endorsers. Some examples:

  • In Eau Claire, WI 71 percent of voters favored a measure stating, “Should the US Constitution be amended to establish that regulating political contributions and spending is not equivalent to limiting freedom of speech, by stating that only human beings, not corporations, unions, or PACs, are entitled to constitutional rights?”
  • In conservative Pueblo, Colorado, where the city newspaper came out against the measure, residents still voted 65% in favor of a Move to Amend resolution, placed on the ballot by County Commissioners.
  • Move to Amend volunteers in Massachusetts collected signatures to place the constitutional amendment question before one third of the population of their state, and “MA Democracy Amendment Question” passed by 79% overall.
  • Voters in Mendocino County, CA  approved a “stand with the Move to Amend campaign” by a 73% margin. Resolutions also passed in several towns in Illinois and Ohio and Oregon, all by similar landslide margins.
  •  Common Cause also put forward several measures calling , at least, to overturn Citizens United [note: such a reversal would fall far short of revoking corporate personhood–it would return us to the 2010 status quo] and to grant Congress authority to regulate campaign spending.  Approval was 80% in San Francisco, 72% in Richmond, CA, and 74% in Chicago.

There’s little doubt that a movement is gathering force, not just to overturn Citizens United, but to reverse the precedent of corporations enjoying “constitutional rights.” Notably, Montana’s initiative was the first of its kind we’ve seen covered by the Wall St. Journal. A majority of Americans want to limit undue corporate influence and have for some time. Yesterday’s results indicate we’re increasingly ready to put those beliefs into action.

You can read the full text of the Montana or Colorado (pdf) initiatives and see the language of Reclaim Democracy’s Proposed Constitutional Amendments.

For background, see our comprehensive introduction to Citizens United.

photo courtesy truthout.org

Filed Under: Activism, Corporate Personhood, Transforming Politics

Constitutional Amendments Seem Impossible Until They Become Inevitable

October 25, 2012 by staff

Published October 24, 2012

It was a great benchmark of  progress for the Democracy Movement when the NY Times devoted its popular “Room for Debate” feature to discuss the merits of amending the Constitution to revoke the dominance of money over elections. Our calls for an Amendment, which just a few years ago were “voices in the wilderness,” now are debated in the mainstream press.

We have a long, hard road ahead, but this is a notable mark of progress on the road from impossible to inevitable. Also, this comes just weeks after the NYT offered editorial support for our (meaning all Amendment advocates) position, which Reclaim Democracy! has advanced for more than a decade..

We compiled the four essays (on whether or not to push an Amendment to overturn corporate personhood and “money = speech” precedents) below with added reference links and commentary (in red).

Venerable Way to Overrule Reactionary Justices

Jamie Raskin is a professor of constitutional law at American University’s Washington College of Law and a state senator in Maryland. He is the author of “Overruling Democracy: The Supreme Court Versus the American People.” [Highly recommended]

 “The state need not permit its own creation to consume it.” — Justice Byron White

We the people have amended the Constitution many times to repair the damage to democracy inflicted by a reactionary Supreme Court. The 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments after the Civil War dismantled the Dred Scott decision (1857); the 19th Amendment (1920) overturned Minor v. Happersett (1875), which held that Equal Protection did not protect the right of women to vote; and the 24th Amendment (1964) repudiated Breedlove v. Suttles (1937), which upheld the use of poll taxes to keep poor people from voting.

Today, Citizens United cries out for constitutional correction, because modern democracy requires a wall of separation between the awesome wealth of private corporations and political campaigns for public office.

The Roberts court bulldozed this wall which, although in place for decades, was vulnerable because it was written into statute rather than into Constitutional bedrock. When the conservative bloc demolished the wall, and the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia wiped out any limits on what wealthy individuals can give to independent expenditure campaigns, these outbursts of judicial reactivism released a flood of billions of dollars into our politics.

Speaking both legally and politically, corporate political spending can have only one purpose: to earn back higher returns for investors by turning elected officials, the public and the government itself into effective tools of private corporate gain.

By converting every corporate treasury in America into a potential political slush fund, the court has endangered not only the integrity of our political institutions but the fairness and competitiveness of our market economy. Businesses should thrive by virtue of their creativity rather than the volume of their campaign spending and the number of lobbyists they employ. Adam Smith would be just as appalled as Thomas Jefferson or Franklin D. Roosevelt at this state of affairs.

A plutocratic corporate state favors huge corporations that have a symbiotic relationship with politicians and government — think of the military-industrial complex, big Pharma, the energy industry. Free-market economists are warning us that incumbent “extractive” industries like these use political power to monopolize the market, crush competition and distort public priorities. They are urging us to “save capitalism from the capitalists.” But, to do so, we first have to save the Constitution from the Supreme Court.

All constitutional amendments seem impossible until they become inevitable, but this one is essential. An amendment to empower Congress and the states to reasonably regulate campaign contributions and expenditures will allow us to restore, on firm constitutional ground, the wall of separation between corporations and elections and some semblance of political equality between the rich and everyone else.

It will protect the public’s imperiled interest in campaign finance disclosure and our nearly obliterated interest in building public financing regimes that make publicly financed candidates minimally competitive with candidates bankrolled by big private bucks.

The Right Goal, the Wrong Approach

Monica Youn is the Brennan Center Constitutional Fellow at New York University School of Law.

 A proposal to amend the Constitution can function on two levels, the actual — forcing a change in constitutional law — or the aspirational — transforming popular understanding and engagement.

I have serious doubts that trying to amend the Constitution to overturn Citizens United would work on an actual level, even apart from the obvious problem of amassing the necessary support. An amendment strategy assumes there is a silver bullet that can take care of a particular problem with a simple constitutional proposition, or a set of simple propositions. But even critics of the ruling (myself included), cannot agree on the crux of the problem — whether it’s corporate personhood, equating money with speech, or the special status of elections in First Amendment law. More fundamentally, the complex regulatory problems of money in politics require flexibility and nuance and resist such encapsulation.

Surely no one working to pass amendments giving black citizens or women the right to vote thought they were ending discrimination or creating full equality by doing so. All of us working to amend the Constitution and reverse the line of Supreme Court cases that allow corporations and money to dominate democracy are aware the problem is multi-faceted. But overruling several Court decisions unsupported by our Constitution  is essential to progress. These include, among others, Citizens United, Randall v Sorrell (we submitted this amicus curiae brief), Buckley v Valeo and Santa Clara County v Southern Pacific Railroad — all of which add layers to the root corruptions: that money=speech and corporations are people.

Even if you pick the right target for the silver bullet, you can never underestimate an unwilling Supreme Court’s ability to dodge it through an interpretive evasion. This creates a separate dilemma — either you draft your amendment narrowly, accepting that resistant judges and private actors will make the most of whatever loopholes remain, or you go broad, creating potentially enormous problems of unintended consequences in the sensitive sphere of expressive freedoms.

True, but this concern exists of nearly every issue addressed in the Bill of Rights and most other Amendments. 

On the aspirational level, however, a constitutional amendment strategy may be more valuable. Unlike ordinary legislation, an amendment has a unique power to capture the public imagination, catalyzing awareness and engagement. Such a strategy can yield concrete gains whether or not the proposed amendment is adopted. An educated and energized constituency is a lasting resource that can be mobilized to push for other, more readily achievable reforms.

We should, however, be suspicious when politicians use the aspirational as political cover to avoid talking about the actual. Even in the post-Citizens United era, there are reforms that are within reach and that would make a difference — such as greater disclosure, public financing, regulatory reform and a Federal Elections Commission overhaul.

We agree and support many legislative reforms that represent progress toward the end goal.

But it’s a lot easier for politicians to sign on to a highly unlikely constitutional amendment than to back reforms that would force changes in their own fund-raising practices. Treating a largely political problem as a purely constitutional problem can be just another way of passing the buck, of blaming the Supreme Court for our own failings.

A puzzling conclusion, given that Ms. Youn just vouched for the efficacy of our strategy: “Such a strategy can yield concrete gains whether or not the proposed amendment is adopted.”

The First Amendment Is Just Fine As Is

Floyd Abrams is a senior partner in the firm of Cahill Gordon & Reindel. He represented Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky, in the Citizens United case. He also has represented The NY Times in the Pentagon Papers case and other prominent cases.

I’ve just returned from a few days in Ohio. Yes, that Ohio, the likely election-deciding state. The Citizens United case, so persistently damned by so many, is at work there. Sometimes a viewer will see four ads in a row urging viewers to vote for or, at least as often, against. Sometimes it’s aggravating, sometimes enlightening. But always, it’s a vindication of the First Amendment.

The core principle that underlies the Supreme Court’s Citizens United ruling is the same one that underlies the First Amendment. As Justice Anthony Kennedy put it in his opinion in the case, “political speech must prevail against laws that would suppress it, whether by design or inadvertence.” And, he said, the First Amendment “has its fullest and most urgent applications to speech uttered during a campaign for political office.”

Quoting a pure espousal of opinion by one of the ruling’s authors is not the most compelling defense.

Well-established principles like these are what led the court in Citizens United to strike down legislation that made it a crime for any corporate or union money to be spent within 60 days of an election on material that appears on television, cable or satellite that endorses or denounces a candidate for federal office. It was not new for the court to apply the First Amendment to speech of corporations; Justice Kennedy cited 25 prior cases (including ones involving the corporate owner of The New York Times) involving just such First Amendment protection. The opinion, as well, made clear that Congress was fully empowered to require disclosure of who made what expenditures and in what amount.

In Citizens United itself, the speech at issue was contained in a documentary prepared by a right-wing group that harshly (and in my view terribly unfairly) criticized then-Senator HillaryClintonwhen she seemed likely to be nominated by the Democratic Party for president in 2008. But that’s what the First Amendment exists to protect. The same is true of the advertisements that I saw inOhio.

Some critics of Citizens United have gone so far as to suggest a constitutional amendment that would bar or limit what individuals could spend of their own money to seek to persuade others to support or oppose. [This vague wording suggests there are groups out to stop individual independent expenditures, but neither Reclaim Democracy nor any of the groups we work with propose this approach re personal spending independent of a candidate or party.]

As far back as 1976, the Supreme Court correctly concluded that any such efforts violated the First Amendment since it did not limit corruption or even the appearance of it, but did severely limit speech.

The claim that spending money to help elect or defeat a candidate cannot create any appearance of corruption is utterly detached from common perceptions.

That’s the crux of the matter. Critics of Citizens United believe it is undemocratic. What they ignore is that nothing could be more undemocratic than amending the First Amendment for the first time in our history in a way that would lead to less speech and far less freedom.

We would argue it creates the space for more actual speech to be heard and greatly expands freedom by opening the entirely of the electoral process to millions of Americans currently excluded from any activity but choosing from the pre-determined menu on election day.

The Only Way to Revive Real Democracy

Bob Edgar is the president and chief executive of Common Cause. He represented a suburban Pennsylvania district in the House as a Democrat from 1975 to 1987.

If we’re serious about restoring government of, by and for the people, we need to get big money out of our elections. From the Watergate era through the early 2000s, Congress and state legislatures passed campaign finance laws designed to limit the influence of corporations and wealthy donors on elections and public officials.

The system was less than perfect, but it has been decimated in recent years by Supreme Court rulings like Citizens United v. F.E.C. that give corporations and unions the same constitutional rights as human beings, and equate spending an unlimited amount of money on politics with free speech.

The money now flowing into our politics isn’t free speech; it’s paid speech. In this presidential campaign alone, a handful of deep-pocketed supporters of Governor Romney and President Obama are in the process of spending well over $1 billion carpeting the airwaves with mostly negative advertising.

No one invests such sums without expecting a return, and no one should be surprised when this year’s big political investors start collecting favors from the people they helped elect. It’s time to stop this charade. Corporations aren’t people. They don’t vote, get sick or die in wars for our country. The Constitution was written to protect the rights of individuals, not corporations.

We can correct the Supreme Court’s misreading of our Constitution by passing an Amendment that authorizes limits on campaign contributions and spending, reins in corporate rights and ensures that all citizens, regardless of wealth, have an opportunity to speak and be heard.

Passing a constitutional amendment is rightly difficult. It requires super-majority support like that evident in a Hart Research poll done last year that found 87 percent of Democrats, 82 percent of independents and 68 percent of Republicans in support of an amendment to overturn Citizens United.

Legislators in nine states and local officials in more than 300 cities already have called for such an amendment. This Election Day, voters in Colorado, Montana, Chicago, San Francisco and dozens of municipalities will vote on ballot measures instructing their members of Congress to work and vote for such an amendment.

Big money has no place in elections, and our democracy should never be for sale. Let’s “amend to mend” the misreading of our Constitution by an overly ideological Supreme Court.

When coverage like this appears, please write to let the editors know you care about the issue and applaud their continued coverage. We’ve provided a thorough primer to help, and we are happy to offer free  editing assistance.

Read our draft constitutional Amendment to revoke corporate constitutional “rights” (published nearly a decade before the Citizens United ruling) and Move to Amend’s proposed language.

For background, see our comprehensive introduction to Citizens United

Filed Under: Activism, Corporate Personhood, Transforming Politics Tagged With: Election Law, First Amendment, Voting Rights

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