Reclaim Democracy!

Citizens United is Just the Tip of the Iceberg

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By Kaitlin Sopoci-Belknap

citizens-united-tip-of-the-iceberg

It’s been three years since the Supreme Court issued its outrageous decision in Citizens United vs. FEC, overturning the flimsy campaign finance protections afforded under McCain-Feingold law. The case opened the floodgates to billions of dollars perverting our elections, much of it completely unreported, and some amount even coming from foreign corporations and governments. The Court literally legalized bribery, and wealthy individuals and special interests took full advantage of it.

As shameful as that decision is, we must confront the sobering reality that it is only the tip of the iceberg. A small ruling elite (often succinctly described as the 1%) have seized control, using wealth and influence to shape policy and maintain power. In a recent documentary I watched, parallels were drawn to how financial freedoms are shifting in response to this elite control, with innovations like UK crypto casinos offering individuals alternatives outside traditional banking and government oversight. This trend reflects a broader pushback against centralized power. They use the façade of elections to legitimize their hold, and even when meaningful legislation is enacted, they leverage the Courts to overturn those laws. The Citizens United vs. FEC ruling is merely a deepening of the crisis of corporate rule, highlighting the ongoing struggle for true autonomy.

At the crux of the crisis are two core legal doctrines. One is “corporate personhood,” a court-created precedent that illegitimately gives corporations rights that were intended for human beings. The other is “money equals free speech.”

An amendment to the US Constitution is the only lasting solution to this problem. The only amendment worth fighting for MUST address both doctrines. As a quick refresher, here is are some examples of we must abolish ALL corporate constitutional rights:

1st Amendment Free Speech rights. Corporations use these rights, meant to protect human beings from the power of the state, to influence elections through political “contributions” (more like “investments”); to advertise for guns, tobacco and other dangerous products over the objections of communities; to avoid having to label genetically modified foods or food laced with hormones.

4th Amendment Search and Seizure rights. Corporations have used these rights to avoid subpoenas for unlawful trade and price fixing, and to prevent citizens, communities and regulatory agencies from stopping corporate pollution and other assaults on people and communities.

5th Amendment Takings, Double Jeopardy and Due Process corporate rights. Corporations must be compensated for property value lost (e.g. future profits) when regulations are established to protect homeowners or communities. Corporations cannot be retried after a judgment of acquittal in court. The granting of property to a corporation by a public official cannot be unilaterally revoked by a subsequent public official or Act of Congress.

14th Amendment Due Process and Equal Protection corporate rights. These rights, originally enacted to guarantee equal protection for African Americans, were gradually extended to corporations by the courts. Corporations have used these rights to build chain stores and erect cell towers against the will of communities; oppose tax and other public policies supporting local businesses over multinational corporations; and resist democratic efforts to prevent corporate mergers and revoke corporate charters through citizen initiatives.

Commerce Clause-related corporate rights. Corporations have used this section of the Constitution (Art 1, Sec 8) to ship toxic waste from one state to another over the “health, safety, and welfare” objections of communities – claiming the waste isn’t actually “waste” but “commerce.”

Contracts Clause-related corporate rights. The Supreme Court ruled in Dartmouth vs. Woodward (1819) that a corporation is as a party in a private contract based on the Contracts Clause (Art 1, Sec 10) rather than being a creature of public law. Even though the state creates a corporation when it issues a charter, that state is not sovereign over the charter, merely a party to the contract. Thus, corporations became “private contracts” with the state and, therefore, shielded from many forms of control by We the People.

Since the problem of corporate constitutional rights is multidimensional, the solution must be comprehensive.

One hundred and sixty years ago, those who believed the section of the Constitution (Art 4, Sec 2) defining people as property (slavery) was fundamentally immoral didn’t call for ending one or two dimensions of slavery. They didn’t organize to establish legislation through Congress, or a Slavery Protection Agency, nor ask slaveholders to sign a voluntary code of conduct to treat slaves a little less harshly. They called for abolition of the institution of slavery.

And today, the Move To Amend coalition suggests that we should not limit our vision and actions. Yes corporate money in elections is a problem. So let’s make sure our solution actually gets to the root causes.

Let’s set out to amend the constitution in a way that abolishes all rights wrongly granted to the corporate form over the last two centuries. Let’s put an end to the institution of corporate constitutional rights itself.

Nothing less is worth the considerable time and learning, grit and energy, required to amend the Constitution.

Why not make the result worth the effort?

Kaitlin Sopoci-Belknap serves on the Executive Committee Move to Amend. She is Field Organizing Coordinator for the campaign.

photo courtesy dnkemontoh

Surprise! Citizens United Legal Reasoning Doesn’t Rely on Corporate Personhood

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By Nick Bentley
Published November 11, 2012

For anyone who opposes excessive corporate influence over government, these are encouraging days: there’s now a widespread groundswell of support across the country to overturn Citizens United and deprive corporations of their improper status as “people”.

However, we’ve noticed a misconception spreading that Citizens United is an extension of corporate personhood. It’s not.

It’s true that Citizens United strengthened First Amendment protections for corporations. But the basis for that protection isn’t corporate personhood. Rather, the court’s decision rests on two other assumptions:

  1. That money equals speech; and
  2. That non-persons have the right to speech.

That second point is the kicker. If corporate personhood ended tomorrow, it wouldn’t affect Citizens United at all, because non-persons have speech rights now too. If your underpants could talk, they would be protected by the First Amendment.

How do we know this? First, look at some relevant text in the majority opinion, written by Justice Kennedy:

Premised on mistrust of governmental power, the First Amendment stands against attempts to… distinguish among different speakers, which may be a means to control content.

In other words: the identity of the speaker is irrelevant. Justice Scalia drives this point home in his concurrence:

The Amendment is written in terms of “speech,” not speakers. Its text offers no foothold for excluding any category of speaker, from single individuals to partnerships of individuals, to unincorporated associations of individuals, to incorporated associations of individuals—and the dissent offers no evidence about the original meaning of the text to support any such exclusion. We are therefore simply left with the question whether the speech at issue in this case is “speech” covered by the First Amendment.

Justice Scalia stresses that the First Amendment doesn’t exclude “any category of speaker,” The First Amendment protects anything that speaks, whether it’s legally a person or not.

This is a key point for those of us who hope to reign in excessive corporate influence through a constitutional amendment. It’s not enough to merely revoke corporate personhood. To overturn Citizens United, we also have to overturn the two assumptions listed above.

Luckily it’s not difficult get the language right. Both Reclaim Democracy and Move to Amend have proposed amendments which would do so. For example, rather than simply establish that “Corporations are not people,” Reclaim Democracy’s amendment specifies that “the U.S. Constitution protects only the rights of living human beings.”

It’s a small difference in language with big implications. Let’s make sure that all who advocate for an amendment understand the distinction.

Resources

Citizens United pig courtesy WWYD
Underpants photo courtesy Enrique_L.

State Initiatives to Revoke Corporate Personhood and Overturn Buckley v. Valeo Win Big

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Published November 6, 2012
By Reclaim Democracy staff

One state went red and the other blue in the presidential election, but citizens of Montana and Colorado agreed by vast margins that we need to amend the U.S. Constitution to revoke the overwhelming power of money over elections.

In Montana, early returns showed a whopping 75 percent of voters supporting Initiative 166, which directs Montana’s congressional delegation to help pass an Amendment to the U.S. Constitution that would revoke corporate personhood. In addition to overruling multiple instances of pro-corporate activism by the U.S. Supreme Court justices, such an Amendment would allow reinstatement of Montana’s Corrupt Practices Act, struck down by a federal court just months ago after it protected the integrity of state elections for 100 years.

In Colorado, Amendment 65 had won overwhelmingly with 73 percent of votes as of this writing. The measure instructs Colorado’s congressional delegates and state legislature to support an Amendment that allows Congress and the states to limit campaign contributions and spending (presumably overruling Buckley v Valeo).

While Reclaim Democracy supported the measure, we share concerns ably expressed by Stephen Justino of Colorado Move to Amend in this op-ed, saying Amendment 65 should have confronted corporate personhood directly. It’s dubious whether the current Supreme Court justices would interpret an Amendment enabling states to regulate campaign spending as applying to “independent expenditure.s ” Notably, the claim that independent expenditures are non-corrupting — the basis of Justice Kennedy’s opinion in Citizens United v FEC — was shown to be fictional by revelations here in Montana (Reclaim Democracy’s home base) this week. Both initiatives were funded by their respective state Common Cause chapters and enjoyed support from a wide range of citizen groups.

In addition to calling for an Amendment to revoke corporate personhood, Montana’s I-166 adds “the people of Montana regard money as property, not speech.” Many state constitutions demand amendments address only one issue, preventing a single ballot measure calling for both revoking corporate personhood and “money = speech.” However we urge any such effort combine both messages, even if two parallel initiatives are required.

Notably, in Montana’s most hotly contested races, the candidate supporting a ban on corporate electioneering won. Among them was Steve Bullock, who aggressively defended the Corrupt Practices Act all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court as the state’s Attorney General this year. Bullock, a Democrat, won the race for Governor.

Both the Colorado and Montana measures are symbolic since their “instruction” to legislators cannot be legally binding. Nevertheless, we think their overwhelming popularity will build further momentum created by more than 100 communities passing local anti-corporate personhood measures in recent years. They’re the next logical progression in building a Democracy Movement to educate and organize citizens to reclaim democracy from corporate corruption. Congratulations to all who worked on these measures for their resounding victories!

Why is Montana at the forefront of this struggle? See Roots of Rebellion: Why Montana is the Only State to Reject Citizens United.

Addendum

We emphasize that it’s not just Montana and Colorado. More than 400 cities and towns have passed resolutions or ordinances measures calling to end corporate personhood or have serious efforts underway. The votes typically are won by huge margins. Many of the efforts were coordinated through Move to Amend, a broad national coalition with more than 150 chapters nationwide and nearly 250,000 endorsers. Some examples:

  • In Eau Claire, WI 71 percent of voters favored a measure stating, “Should the US Constitution be amended to establish that regulating political contributions and spending is not equivalent to limiting freedom of speech, by stating that only human beings, not corporations, unions, or PACs, are entitled to constitutional rights?”
  • In conservative Pueblo, Colorado, where the city newspaper came out against the measure, residents still voted 65% in favor of a Move to Amend resolution, placed on the ballot by County Commissioners.
  • Move to Amend volunteers in Massachusetts collected signatures to place the constitutional amendment question before one third of the population of their state, and “MA Democracy Amendment Question” passed by 79% overall.
  • Voters in Mendocino County, CA  approved a “stand with the Move to Amend campaign” by a 73% margin. Resolutions also passed in several towns in Illinois and Ohio and Oregon, all by similar landslide margins.
  •  Common Cause also put forward several measures calling , at least, to overturn Citizens United [note: such a reversal would fall far short of revoking corporate personhood–it would return us to the 2010 status quo] and to grant Congress authority to regulate campaign spending.  Approval was 80% in San Francisco, 72% in Richmond, CA, and 74% in Chicago.

There’s little doubt that a movement is gathering force, not just to overturn Citizens United, but to reverse the precedent of corporations enjoying “constitutional rights.” Notably, Montana’s initiative was the first of its kind we’ve seen covered by the Wall St. Journal. A majority of Americans want to limit undue corporate influence and have for some time. Yesterday’s results indicate we’re increasingly ready to put those beliefs into action.

You can read the full text of the Montana or Colorado (pdf) initiatives and see the language of Reclaim Democracy’s Proposed Constitutional Amendments.

For background, see our comprehensive introduction to Citizens United.

photo courtesy truthout.org

Constitutional Amendments Seem Impossible Until They Become Inevitable

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Published October 24, 2012

It was a great benchmark of  progress for the Democracy Movement when the NY Times devoted its popular “Room for Debate” feature to discuss the merits of amending the Constitution to revoke the dominance of money over elections. Our calls for an Amendment, which just a few years ago were “voices in the wilderness,” now are debated in the mainstream press.

We have a long, hard road ahead, but this is a notable mark of progress on the road from impossible to inevitable. Also, this comes just weeks after the NYT offered editorial support for our (meaning all Amendment advocates) position, which Reclaim Democracy! has advanced for more than a decade..

We compiled the four essays (on whether or not to push an Amendment to overturn corporate personhood and “money = speech” precedents) below with added reference links and commentary (in red).

Venerable Way to Overrule Reactionary Justices

Jamie Raskin is a professor of constitutional law at American University’s Washington College of Law and a state senator in Maryland. He is the author of “Overruling Democracy: The Supreme Court Versus the American People.” [Highly recommended]

 “The state need not permit its own creation to consume it.” — Justice Byron White

We the people have amended the Constitution many times to repair the damage to democracy inflicted by a reactionary Supreme Court. The 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments after the Civil War dismantled the Dred Scott decision (1857); the 19th Amendment (1920) overturned Minor v. Happersett (1875), which held that Equal Protection did not protect the right of women to vote; and the 24th Amendment (1964) repudiated Breedlove v. Suttles (1937), which upheld the use of poll taxes to keep poor people from voting.

Today, Citizens United cries out for constitutional correction, because modern democracy requires a wall of separation between the awesome wealth of private corporations and political campaigns for public office.

The Roberts court bulldozed this wall which, although in place for decades, was vulnerable because it was written into statute rather than into Constitutional bedrock. When the conservative bloc demolished the wall, and the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia wiped out any limits on what wealthy individuals can give to independent expenditure campaigns, these outbursts of judicial reactivism released a flood of billions of dollars into our politics.

Speaking both legally and politically, corporate political spending can have only one purpose: to earn back higher returns for investors by turning elected officials, the public and the government itself into effective tools of private corporate gain.

By converting every corporate treasury in America into a potential political slush fund, the court has endangered not only the integrity of our political institutions but the fairness and competitiveness of our market economy. Businesses should thrive by virtue of their creativity rather than the volume of their campaign spending and the number of lobbyists they employ. Adam Smith would be just as appalled as Thomas Jefferson or Franklin D. Roosevelt at this state of affairs.

A plutocratic corporate state favors huge corporations that have a symbiotic relationship with politicians and government — think of the military-industrial complex, big Pharma, the energy industry. Free-market economists are warning us that incumbent “extractive” industries like these use political power to monopolize the market, crush competition and distort public priorities. They are urging us to “save capitalism from the capitalists.” But, to do so, we first have to save the Constitution from the Supreme Court.

All constitutional amendments seem impossible until they become inevitable, but this one is essential. An amendment to empower Congress and the states to reasonably regulate campaign contributions and expenditures will allow us to restore, on firm constitutional ground, the wall of separation between corporations and elections and some semblance of political equality between the rich and everyone else.

It will protect the public’s imperiled interest in campaign finance disclosure and our nearly obliterated interest in building public financing regimes that make publicly financed candidates minimally competitive with candidates bankrolled by big private bucks.

The Right Goal, the Wrong Approach

Monica Youn is the Brennan Center Constitutional Fellow at New York University School of Law.

 A proposal to amend the Constitution can function on two levels, the actual — forcing a change in constitutional law — or the aspirational — transforming popular understanding and engagement.

I have serious doubts that trying to amend the Constitution to overturn Citizens United would work on an actual level, even apart from the obvious problem of amassing the necessary support. An amendment strategy assumes there is a silver bullet that can take care of a particular problem with a simple constitutional proposition, or a set of simple propositions. But even critics of the ruling (myself included), cannot agree on the crux of the problem — whether it’s corporate personhood, equating money with speech, or the special status of elections in First Amendment law. More fundamentally, the complex regulatory problems of money in politics require flexibility and nuance and resist such encapsulation.

Surely no one working to pass amendments giving black citizens or women the right to vote thought they were ending discrimination or creating full equality by doing so. All of us working to amend the Constitution and reverse the line of Supreme Court cases that allow corporations and money to dominate democracy are aware the problem is multi-faceted. But overruling several Court decisions unsupported by our Constitution  is essential to progress. These include, among others, Citizens United, Randall v Sorrell (we submitted this amicus curiae brief), Buckley v Valeo and Santa Clara County v Southern Pacific Railroad — all of which add layers to the root corruptions: that money=speech and corporations are people.

Even if you pick the right target for the silver bullet, you can never underestimate an unwilling Supreme Court’s ability to dodge it through an interpretive evasion. This creates a separate dilemma — either you draft your amendment narrowly, accepting that resistant judges and private actors will make the most of whatever loopholes remain, or you go broad, creating potentially enormous problems of unintended consequences in the sensitive sphere of expressive freedoms.

True, but this concern exists of nearly every issue addressed in the Bill of Rights and most other Amendments. 

On the aspirational level, however, a constitutional amendment strategy may be more valuable. Unlike ordinary legislation, an amendment has a unique power to capture the public imagination, catalyzing awareness and engagement. Such a strategy can yield concrete gains whether or not the proposed amendment is adopted. An educated and energized constituency is a lasting resource that can be mobilized to push for other, more readily achievable reforms.

We should, however, be suspicious when politicians use the aspirational as political cover to avoid talking about the actual. Even in the post-Citizens United era, there are reforms that are within reach and that would make a difference — such as greater disclosure, public financing, regulatory reform and a Federal Elections Commission overhaul.

We agree and support many legislative reforms that represent progress toward the end goal.

But it’s a lot easier for politicians to sign on to a highly unlikely constitutional amendment than to back reforms that would force changes in their own fund-raising practices. Treating a largely political problem as a purely constitutional problem can be just another way of passing the buck, of blaming the Supreme Court for our own failings.

A puzzling conclusion, given that Ms. Youn just vouched for the efficacy of our strategy: “Such a strategy can yield concrete gains whether or not the proposed amendment is adopted.”

The First Amendment Is Just Fine As Is

Floyd Abrams is a senior partner in the firm of Cahill Gordon & Reindel. He represented Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky, in the Citizens United case. He also has represented The NY Times in the Pentagon Papers case and other prominent cases.

I’ve just returned from a few days in Ohio. Yes, that Ohio, the likely election-deciding state. The Citizens United case, so persistently damned by so many, is at work there. Sometimes a viewer will see four ads in a row urging viewers to vote for or, at least as often, against. Sometimes it’s aggravating, sometimes enlightening. But always, it’s a vindication of the First Amendment.

The core principle that underlies the Supreme Court’s Citizens United ruling is the same one that underlies the First Amendment. As Justice Anthony Kennedy put it in his opinion in the case, “political speech must prevail against laws that would suppress it, whether by design or inadvertence.” And, he said, the First Amendment “has its fullest and most urgent applications to speech uttered during a campaign for political office.”

Quoting a pure espousal of opinion by one of the ruling’s authors is not the most compelling defense.

Well-established principles like these are what led the court in Citizens United to strike down legislation that made it a crime for any corporate or union money to be spent within 60 days of an election on material that appears on television, cable or satellite that endorses or denounces a candidate for federal office. It was not new for the court to apply the First Amendment to speech of corporations; Justice Kennedy cited 25 prior cases (including ones involving the corporate owner of The New York Times) involving just such First Amendment protection. The opinion, as well, made clear that Congress was fully empowered to require disclosure of who made what expenditures and in what amount.

In Citizens United itself, the speech at issue was contained in a documentary prepared by a right-wing group that harshly (and in my view terribly unfairly) criticized then-Senator HillaryClintonwhen she seemed likely to be nominated by the Democratic Party for president in 2008. But that’s what the First Amendment exists to protect. The same is true of the advertisements that I saw inOhio.

Some critics of Citizens United have gone so far as to suggest a constitutional amendment that would bar or limit what individuals could spend of their own money to seek to persuade others to support or oppose. [This vague wording suggests there are groups out to stop individual independent expenditures, but neither Reclaim Democracy nor any of the groups we work with propose this approach re personal spending independent of a candidate or party.]

As far back as 1976, the Supreme Court correctly concluded that any such efforts violated the First Amendment since it did not limit corruption or even the appearance of it, but did severely limit speech.

The claim that spending money to help elect or defeat a candidate cannot create any appearance of corruption is utterly detached from common perceptions.

That’s the crux of the matter. Critics of Citizens United believe it is undemocratic. What they ignore is that nothing could be more undemocratic than amending the First Amendment for the first time in our history in a way that would lead to less speech and far less freedom.

We would argue it creates the space for more actual speech to be heard and greatly expands freedom by opening the entirely of the electoral process to millions of Americans currently excluded from any activity but choosing from the pre-determined menu on election day.

The Only Way to Revive Real Democracy

Bob Edgar is the president and chief executive of Common Cause. He represented a suburban Pennsylvania district in the House as a Democrat from 1975 to 1987.

If we’re serious about restoring government of, by and for the people, we need to get big money out of our elections. From the Watergate era through the early 2000s, Congress and state legislatures passed campaign finance laws designed to limit the influence of corporations and wealthy donors on elections and public officials.

The system was less than perfect, but it has been decimated in recent years by Supreme Court rulings like Citizens United v. F.E.C. that give corporations and unions the same constitutional rights as human beings, and equate spending an unlimited amount of money on politics with free speech.

The money now flowing into our politics isn’t free speech; it’s paid speech. In this presidential campaign alone, a handful of deep-pocketed supporters of Governor Romney and President Obama are in the process of spending well over $1 billion carpeting the airwaves with mostly negative advertising.

No one invests such sums without expecting a return, and no one should be surprised when this year’s big political investors start collecting favors from the people they helped elect. It’s time to stop this charade. Corporations aren’t people. They don’t vote, get sick or die in wars for our country. The Constitution was written to protect the rights of individuals, not corporations.

We can correct the Supreme Court’s misreading of our Constitution by passing an Amendment that authorizes limits on campaign contributions and spending, reins in corporate rights and ensures that all citizens, regardless of wealth, have an opportunity to speak and be heard.

Passing a constitutional amendment is rightly difficult. It requires super-majority support like that evident in a Hart Research poll done last year that found 87 percent of Democrats, 82 percent of independents and 68 percent of Republicans in support of an amendment to overturn Citizens United.

Legislators in nine states and local officials in more than 300 cities already have called for such an amendment. This Election Day, voters in Colorado, Montana, Chicago, San Francisco and dozens of municipalities will vote on ballot measures instructing their members of Congress to work and vote for such an amendment.

Big money has no place in elections, and our democracy should never be for sale. Let’s “amend to mend” the misreading of our Constitution by an overly ideological Supreme Court.

When coverage like this appears, please write to let the editors know you care about the issue and applaud their continued coverage. We’ve provided a thorough primer to help, and we are happy to offer free  editing assistance.

Read our draft constitutional Amendment to revoke corporate constitutional “rights” (published nearly a decade before the Citizens United ruling) and Move to Amend’s proposed language.

For background, see our comprehensive introduction to Citizens United

What the Rulers Don’t Understand

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By Ben Manski – Published October 3, 2011

The protests that began in Wisconsin this year, and which now also fill the streets of Manhattan, Boston, Chicago, and this week, Washington D.C., have gotten the attention of the American political class. And how could they not? 2011 is becoming a remake of the 1999 Battle of Seattle, except this time the protests are ongoing, national and global, and the target is not just the World Trade Organization, but the entire edifice of corporate capitalism.

So the political class, rather than ignore this wave of protests, pulls a card from the past. They know we are angry, they say. They just don’t understand what we want. We speak in too many voices. According to the American Pravda, The New York Times (which tells the professional classes their truth), we are a “hodgepodge” and “confused” movement with “unclear goals” and “nowhere to go.” Why can’t we settle on a couple key demands?

What some can’t accept, they pretend not to understand . And the political class can’t accept that the common demand of the current protest wave is for democratic revolution. We want them gone. We want power.

We haven’t been secretive about our goals. The Wisconsin Wave was launched in February as a “democracy movement.” Occupy Wall Street calls for an “American Revolution.” The October2011.org occupation of Freedom Plaza in D.C. intends to “Create a New World.” Perhaps, as Thomas Paine once penned, “The birthday of a new world is at hand.”

Democracy is a simple idea. It means “the people rule.” The promise of the United States is democracy. The reality is that corporate elites rule. The contradiction between the promise and reality of America has produced a movement to make the promise the new reality.

We believe it our birthright to directly participate in power. Elections were always a poor substitute for participatory democracy. And elections delegate power from the people to a tiny elite easily browbeaten or bought off by major corporations. Most Americans intuitively know this.

And we have an alternative. A new democratic economy is growing amidst the collapse of the old one. The cooperative sector –made up of coops, credit unions, and community supported and community owned enterprises– now includes over one third of the American people. Having tasted real democracy, after having been force fed the fake formula, millions are demanding more of the real thing.

We also understand that freedom to govern requires freedom from want. The rights to housing, to an education, to health care, to child care, to a livable income, are all democratic rights. People who don’t have these necessities of life are not free to participate in power. The impoverishment of Americans is the impoverishment of America.

Students of social change learn that mass movements are most likely to emerge at times when economic conditions become intolerable. For tens of millions of Americans, those times are now. This is especially true for young people, among them the many veterans of the unending wars.

The present form of government fails to provide for the pursuit of their happiness . They see that the time has come to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new one. The political class cannot accept this, and so fails to understand it. People in the streets, from Wisconsin to Wall Street to Washington D.C. are proving that we understand it perfectly well.

Ben Manski is the Executive Director of the Liberty Tree Foundation, a national strategy center dedicated to “building a democracy movement for the U.S.A.,” and the initiator of the Wisconsin Wave protest movement.

© 2011 Ben Manski

Campaigns

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Revoking Corporate “Free Speech”

One of the core beliefs of Reclaim Democracy is that our Constitution’s Bill of Rights exists to protect the rights of living human beings and their voluntary associations exclusively. Yet since the late 1800s, federal judges have ignored the fact that corporations go unmentioned in our Constitution, and created a broad array of “corporate constitutional rights. Their arguments claim that corporations are legal “persons,” entitled to the protections of our Bill of Rights.

A decade before Citizens United v FEC launched the issue to the forefront, we established the web’s most comprehensive resource on corporate personhood to both explain, and lead to reversing, the process by which corporations seized the legal rights of human beings. This long-term struggle is a foundation of our work, and through Move To Amend, a national coalition of groups working toward this end.

In 2003, we used the Supreme Court case of Nike v. Kasky to challenge corporate “free speech” privileges and engage a national audience in rethinking such ill-gotten privileges. Now we’re building a campaign to erode and, ultimately, revoke the Supreme Court-created “right” of corporations to influence (and even run their own) ballot initiatives that dates to 1978’s First National Bank of Boston v. Bellotti ruling.

We are using high-profile battles to broaden awareness of this outrageous usurpation of citizens’ power and build toward the long term goal of reversing Bellotti. Our campaign plans and many background materials are posted here. Our proposed constitutional amendments address this and other long-term goals.

Establish a Citizens’ Debate Commission

The nationally televised presidential debates are the single most influential forum for most Americans to inform their views on presidential candidates, and offer a rare opportunity to hear candidates’ ideas unedited and in context. To our national disgrace, these debates have been controlled since 1988 by a front group of the Democratic and Republican parties that lacks any public accountability — the Commission on Presidential Debates (CPD).

During the 2000 election cycle, we had considerable success in raising public awareness of the illegitimacy of the CPD. That campaign led us to the necessary work of displacing the CPD with real debates that will serve democracy. In 2004, ReclaimDemocracy.org catalyzed and co-founded the Citizens’ Debate Commission (CDC), now supported by dozens of civic organizations from all over the political spectrum. Our ultimate goal of replacing the CPD with genuinely democratic debates will take some years to accomplish, but even in the first year the CDC helped force important changes that have moved the events from the sound-bite battles of recent years to more substantive debate.

See Presidential Debates Should Serve Citizens and Democracy, Not Political Parties for an overview and links to our research, writing and outside resources on the issue.

Critical Thinking Curriculum Project

ReclaimDemocracy.org has raised awareness of commercialism and corporate propaganda encroaching into every pocket of daily life. In addition to our articles, primers, and presentations, we seek to bring such awareness in classrooms — to tomorrow’s citizens. Our Critical Thinking Curriculum (no new materials currently being produced until we find a new volunteer or obtain funding for staff time) helps teachers nurture critical thinking skills in students of all ages, beginning with media literacy.

By helping our kids to learn how to determine the source of the messages they receive through a variety of media, they become savvy media users. They learn to challenge ideas presented to them through news stories, advertisements, textbooks and more.

See Branded: Corporations in Our Schools for one example of why this project is needed.

Breaking New Perspectives into the Mass Media

Our ongoing efforts to bring our message to the masses have resulted in op-eds by ReclaimDemocracy.org staff appearing in the nation’s most prominent newspapers — papers like the Washington Post, Newsday, The Chicago Tribune, La Opinion (the nation’s largest Spanish language paper) and dozens more. We continue our success in reaching our target audience through insightful writing that gets to the democratic root of the issues making headlines. Our outreach also consistently involves talk radio and occasionally televised talk shows.

Examples include: forewarning the public of the corporate agenda for commercializing public lands; re-framing the debate on campaign finance and other electoral reforms; and calling for true accountability for corporate crime and criminals.We invite you to contact us regarding adapting these articles and others for use in your local or regional media outlets

Volunteer opportunities: We always seek to work with skilled writers and researchers interested in reaching a broad audience.

Past/Ongoing Accomplishments

As Citizens United v FEC made its way to the Supreme Court, Reclaim Democracy principals teamed up with representatives of many other pro-democracy organizations to lay plans for exploiting the opportunity, win our lose, to launch corporate personhood into public awareness.

The result was Move To Amend, a nationwide coalition of grassroots organizations working toward the common goal of amending the Constitution to make clear the Constitutional rights are for living beings and that spending money to influence elections is subject to limitations needed to allow all citizens’ voices to be heard.

Before Reclaim Democracy.org was staffed, our director launched a first-of-kind model in Colorado, the Boulder Independent Business Alliance. BIBA helped locally owned, independently operated businesses to succeed, ensure continued opportunities for entrepreneurs, and strove to reverse the trend of losing such businesses to national chains.

We subsequently helped spread the successful model until, much like the Citizens’ Debate Commission, we teamed with others to help spawn the American Independent Business Alliance (AMIBA) to fill a role that merited a singularly-focused organization. AMIBA has since helped seed more than eighty more local alliances and maintains a vital communication network among these community-level efforts, while working to enhance national consciousness of the importance of community-based businesses.

Notably, AMIBA also is the leading grassroots business organization making clear that enshrining corporations with human rights is anti-business and anti-market. See AMIBA.net